
Asim Alavi examines the rise of Sri Lanka's National People's Power (NPP) party from its revolutionary roots to a stunning electoral victory in 2024, highlighting its transformation, the role of Muslim voters, and the challenges it faces in governing a diverse nation while implementing systemic changes.
All magical performance occurred on the 14th November 2024 when Sri Lankan voters, exhausted with the never-delivered satanic promises of golden era, propelled National People’s Power(NPP) to the seat of power in a largely free and fair general election. The Patrice Lumumba University(Moscow) educated Rohana Wijeweera, founder of the Marxist-Leninist JVP (Sri Lankan acronym for people’s progressive front), would not have envisioned a stunning electoral victory for NPP that his students formed. The revolutionary comrade, who believed in capturing power by destabilization or the ballot box, led two major bloody insurrections in 1971 and 1987, resulting in his assassination by the security forces in 1989. From early 1970 the party went through many brutal crackdowns with thousands of youth affiliated with it making the supreme sacrifice for what they believed a sacred cause.
Time taught JVP a terrific real-life lesson forcing it to completely renounce violence and join the political mainstream, which could not have been possible without loosening the firm grip by the neutralization of Rohana’s first politburo. Rohana, after being pardoned from a life-sentence, contested the Presidential Election in 1981 only to be defeated exacerbating his disgust for the ballot box. Returning from a break for another round of bloody insurrection, JVP contested almost every election since 1994 with no significant gains.
Rohana’s politburo member Somawansa, who escaped to London, returned home on state pardon after half a decade and took up the party leadership in 1994. When the party’s reformed generation realised his rigid leftist demon refuses removal from his body, voices for a leadership change emerged vibrantly paving the way for Anura Kumara to take up the mantle in 2014. Anura Kumara, a university graduate hailing from a downtrodden family with very little number of humans to call as his blood-relatives, is charismatic, articulative, intelligent, poor-friendly, fearless anti-corruption crusader and an unholy Buddhist – all in one. His brutal political honesty is the mesmerising force that draws crowds of Buddhist, Christian, Hindu and Muslim towards him. He contested the Presidential Election of 2019 and came to third place obtaining only 3% of the votes. On the 21st September 2024 Sri Lankans made the first decision to try the hitherto untested tonic for their multifaceted malady and crowned Anura Kumara with Executive Presidency with 55.89% of the votes. Sri Lanka’s aristocratic class that ruled it the most since independence in 1948 would not have expected in its wildest dream son of a pariah becoming their commander-in-chief. But none could prevent what was written in his fate. In his policy statement he vowed not to leave office before transforming Sri Lanka swept from racism. If that happens, history is certain to celebrate him as Sri Lanka’s Nelson Mandela.
NPP has embraced the Chinese model of market economy and there is no reason to deny its adoption of a pro-China foreign policy. It launched its election campaign with the slogan, “A Thriving Nation; A Beautiful Life”. Its true dawn arrived on the 14th November when the party obtained 62% of the votes with 159 parliamentary seats out of 225, whacking all predictions and stunning even the party itself, which was buttering up minority Muslim and Hindu parties in secret for a possible coalition government in the event it fails to obtain a simple majority. This meteoric rise from merely 3 seats in the last parliament to 159, unprecedented in our history, has laden NPP with an ant’s load of governance characterised by political corruption, economic collapse and anarchy. Now people’s aspirations have risen to all-time peak, denying it all avenues of justifications for not delivering reasonably.
Built on a revolutionary ideological foundation NPP should be credited for its inner-party discipline, strong consultative mechanism and policy cohesion. Its grassroot organizational structure is exceptionally high above any other political party. One can just imagine of a former revolutionary outfit turning political gentleman with its undismantled inner-structure, both apparent and invisible to many. It is rather a movement of principles striding with calculated steps, unlike professional hot air releasing Sri Lankan political parties. Removing the taints of excessive Marxist theorization, rebellious past and realpolitik-naivety from its body took tremendous endeavours involving lots of perseverance and patient groundworks. In the past it was identified with violence and imprudent and haste actions, being rejected as a radical lot highly influenced by emotions rather than intellect. Normally radicals do not bear with injustice or tolerate wrongdoing. They show no patience until change evolve through gradualism, but want to see change with a single blow. They are unafraid and never bow down before tyranny and humiliation. As a transformed force NPP is sure to convert all these radical tendencies into positive energies for the mission ahead.
NPP has inherited a broken country almost in every sphere of life. A post-independent legacy tainted with policy inconsistencies, short-sighted and myopic political vision and political parties coming to power just for the sake of undoing the policies of their predecessors. Policy changes occurred like changing food habits, every politician pulling the stone merely for the sake of inscribing his name as the first one to teach Sri Lankans how to behave; not a country focused on one direction or a country that Singapore’s founding father Lee Kwan Yee vowed to emulate. It is noteworthy that, at the time of independence its basic infrastructure was in a considerably higher level in the Asian region. The road network which could interconnect any part of the country, almost a 1000KM of rail tracks with an efficient and profitable railway network, a tramcar service in the city of Colombo and a trolley-bus service were remarkable among them. The country’s general health service, efficient civil service, honest judiciary and a matured parliamentary democracy all too were remarkably high. Its per capita income was second only to Japan, but ahead of South Korea and Malaysia. Sri Lanka’s cherished free education and free health services along with 92% literacy rate still remain to be reckoned with.
It is the graft and kakistocracy of past governments that paved the way for NNP’s rise. Its professionally qualified ministerial and administrative teams, determined to put or shut up guided by its election manifesto, gives fresh hope to the voters. Enforcement requires strong will, which NPP’s radicalism is ready to provide. The voters are certain to willingly accept punishing wrongdoers in return for stability.
The Muslim minority this time around joined hands with the majority Buddhists and others in response to the popular call for “System change”. During the election campaign, NNP’s communist past record was revived and Karl Marx’s “Religion is opium” maxim was brought up on life-support pretentiously cautioning the Muslim youth not to earn the wrath of Allah Almighty by allowing the proliferation of irreligiousness in the hitherto conservative society. Some Muslim politicians belonging to Muslim parties and major national parties proved their bankruptcy by staying in full swing in this trail of fake-news. Every election season trick in the book was unleashed to frighten the Muslims, but nothing could deter their resolve. Their unwavering support contributed tremendously in tilting the balance in favour of NPP both in Presidential and parliamentary elections. Sri Lanka’s 10% Muslim community is relatively vibrant and organized and is basically a business community similar to indigenous Muslim minorities of South Africa, Thailand and many other countries. They are singled out in praise for their inherent entrepreneurship skills. Due to many factors, including their strategic presence intermingled with the non-Muslims in every electoral district, they remain a powerful force to be reckoned with by all major political parties. In the past, during many crucial elections they have played kingmaker roles in forming governments. Out of 20 Muslim MPs of the new parliament 8 are from NPP. The noteworthy tradition of non-Muslims voting for Muslim candidates in reciprocation for the services they receive cannot be discounted at any rate.
The Muslims supported NPP for two fundamental reasons:
- To salvage the country from the deep abyss it has fallen in. Conversely it is a genuine support for the system change, which proved their patriotic responsibility.
- To stave off ultra-Buddhist Sinhala* racist onslaught aimed at them, that turned extremely violent and brazen during the past several years. If allowed unchecked it had the potential to become an existential threat for the whole community and its religious identity. Had it not for the proactive behaviour of the Muslims, racist projects like distorting history textbooks to depict them as villains, abolishing the Muslim Personal Law, robbing properties belonging to mosques, institutionalising discrimination with legal covers could not have been stopped.
Although hatred and prejudice of Muslims have never been state policy, the anarchic forces were poised to shatter the peace and harmony that have existed between the majority Buddhists and the Muslims for centuries. The country witnessed the ugliest forms of othering and hate-Muslim onslaughts under former hardliner President Gotabaya Rajapaksha. In 2019 deceived by a toxic ideology of Sinhala supremacism blended with Islamophobia, the majority community voted him overwhelmingly, as crowning a political pre-schooler with 6.9 million votes plus two-third parliamentary majority was not a small thing in Sri Lanka. They applauded him with all sorts of lofty attributes, like Sri Lanka’s Mahathir Mohammed and Lee Kwan Yew. The only political qualification of this former army officer was being the younger brother of former populist President Mahinda Rajapakshe, as a stubborn defence secretary during the final phase of Sri Lanka’s separatist war that saw the end of Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam(LTTE). No better adventure can be attributed to him other than his foolish Islamophobic act of forcefully cremating hundreds of Muslim Covid-19 deaths. This imposter was disgracefully ousted by a strong youth protest movement before the end of his tenure. He left the beautiful tropical island’s economy in absolute shamble and law and order perpetually crushed.
NPP, top from the President, Prime Minister down to other layers of its leadership, possesses a proven track record of an inclusive political discourse, which one can partially attribute to its leftist upbringing. Although deputy minister of justice and national integration and deputy speaker of the parliament are Muslims, the community still refuses to recover from the shock of NPP breaking the long tradition of appointing Muslim cabinet Ministers, which has been a laudable practice even under extreme far-right governments in post-colonial Sri Lanka. NPP says, its criteria for appointing cabinet ministers are professional qualifications, political experience and firm grasp of the party ideology through long-term affiliation, not one’s ethnic or religious backgrounds. But when the bulk of NPP MPs are first-timers with zero parliamentary experience this justification found little takers among the Muslim masses. Two critical questions seek clear answers: is this decision stems from the amateurish socialist belief to see humanity as one neglecting the reality of human diversity; or an early sign of Sinhala-majoritarian rule camouflaged as “One Country One Law”? In response to mounting pressures, NPP leadership woke up and subtly alluded that this decision is not final opening the door for a future cabinet reshuffle. The Muslim community is alert to this situation and has sent a clear message not to underestimate its voting power. Muslim civil society leadership and intelligentsia has shown its prudent behaviour by telling the government to prioritise its system-change mission over the Muslim cabinet portfolio hassle.
As Sri Lanka’s political horizon has widened with brightness, there are many lessons to learn from its Muslim minority.
Note:
* Sinhala is the ethnic identity of the majority community that is basically composed of Buddhists and Christians.
Asim Alavi is from Sri Lanka. A prolific writer and Islamic fictionist, he can be contacted at: maalavi200@gmail.com https://www.linkedin.com/in/asim-alavi-955b39276/
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