Being a continuous leader in a country’s political life for a quarter of a century, maintaining power while ranking among the top five leaders despite having the world's 17th largest economy, and turning Türkiye’s regional power into a global influence is significant. From the UN podium, Erdoğan not only harshly criticized those responsible for the massacres and genocides in Gaza, as well as those who stood behind them and institutions like the UN that, with their outdated structures, were unable
Being a continuous leader in a country’s political life for a quarter of a century, maintaining power while ranking among the top five leaders despite having the world's 17th largest economy, and turning Türkiye’s regional power into a global influence is significant.
From the UN podium, Erdoğan not only harshly criticized those responsible for the massacres and genocides in Gaza, as well as those who stood behind them and institutions like the UN that, with their outdated structures, were unable to intervene, but he also offered constructive solutions.
Understanding the order established by imperialists helps us grasp the meaning of the confidence revolution Erdoğan has sparked globally. At the end of World War I, the colonial empires had practically no land left uncolonized. Almost all of the distant Asian countries, the entire Middle East, Africa, much of Latin America, and countries like Canada, New Zealand, and Australia remained under British rule, with countless islands across oceans and seas still under their control.
When Britain and France weakened after World War II, many colonies fought for independence. Though many countries won their independence from occupation, 90% of them couldn't escape exploitation. The imperialists continued their domination by shifting to monopolies in governance, finance, media, and technology. These blood-sucking vampires not only planned their own countries’ prosperity but also plotted the misery of others. The military superiority of the U.S. and the technological dominance of Western states continued to exploit non-Western societies.
While this was the backdrop for many backward states worldwide, a leader emerged who initiated a major revolution in Türkiye’s infrastructure and development, without relying on Western support or being part of the Western ecosystem. Today, Türkiye’s infrastructure in transportation, energy, healthcare, and defense industries is stronger than many Western states. By completing this revolutionary infrastructure and embracing its historical mission, Türkiye and Erdoğan have attracted interest from all nations that had been condemned to a bleak fate by colonizers.
All nations, particularly those struggling with underdevelopment and poverty, identify with Erdoğan and see hope for their future in him. The Turkish people, who established more than half of the world's empires throughout history and transformed the Ottoman state into a civilization, now associate Erdoğan with this historical mission, linking him and Türkiye to a promising future.
Those whose minds have been enslaved and controlled by Western states—acting as their contractual slaves—cannot comprehend this. However, many of the states we interact with today were ruled by us 200 years ago; Istanbul was their capital, and their sultan was also our sultan. Today, when you visit African countries, the Turkic Council, the Far East, or the Balkans, Erdoğan is seen as a strong leader who challenges imperialism, develops his country, and remains loyal to historical and religious values.
Nations see Türkiye and Erdoğan as beacons of hope for their future. Yet, when it comes to Türkiye, two major issues arise: the opposition’s hostility toward Erdoğan and the AK Party’s failure to fully grasp Erdoğan’s vision.
Global powers, FETÖ, and Türkiye’s opposition have adopted a clear policy: by destroying Erdoğan's influence, they believe they can reclaim Türkiye. They have built their entire political strategies on slandering, insulting, and discrediting Erdoğan, aiming to turn people into automatic Erdoğan critics without any discernment.
On the other hand, many in the AK Party, despite following a leader who has sparked a confidence revolution for both oppressed nations and Türkiye, choose to speak in timid, defeatist tones instead of emulating his example. They behave as if they are born with an innate guilt, much like the concept of original sin in Christianity, accepting defeat on an existential level.
In Türkiye, CHP supporters, secularists, Freemasons, and many leftists see themselves as representatives of victorious Western civilization and tend to belittle and other anyone outside of their circle. Erdoğan, however, has challenged this century-old othering by building a confidence revolution, but the representatives of this revolution still suffer from a defeatist mindset.
Devlet Bahçeli once urged his party to “get to know Erdoğan, understand Erdoğan.”
Here’s my solution: We need to gather some of these people, put them on a train, and take them on a world tour to show them how Erdoğan is perceived abroad. History is our history, the culture is ours, the religion is ours, and the land is ours—why should we have any complexes? I’ll return to this discussion another time. Let's see what God has planned.
